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Tag Archive for 'supreme-court-of-georgia'

Hallelujah! CAPS ARE DEAD IN GEORGIA!

Hallelujah! Praise the Lord! There is Justice for the common man, in spite of our misguided, special interest controlled Republican legislature and Governor!!!!

What is all this about? CAPS are dead. Dead. Dead! DEAD! (Well, practically speaking, anyway!)

Many of you may be living in ignorance, but listen up, and you shall hear, a story as significant as that of Paul Revere, the freedom rider.

In 2005, within months of gaining a stranglehold majority on the Georgia Legislature, the Republican leadership and Governor Perdue repaid their campaign promises to the Chamber of Commerce, the doctor lobby and the insurance companies by depriving the citizens of Georgia of the right to hold negligent doctors fully responsible for the harm they cause. They did it by enacting, as the very first piece of litigation, a bill infamously referred to as “tort reform,” SB-5. That piece of legislation was rammed down the throats even of the Republicans who knew it was bad legislation, no amendments were allowed, vote up or down, and don’t ask questions.

One of those provisions said this:

In any verdict returned or judgment entered in a medical malpractice action, including an action for wrongful death, against one or more health care providers, the total amount recoverable by a claimant for noneconomic damages in such action shall be limited to an amount not to exceed $350,000.00, regardless of the number of defendant health care providers against whom the claim is asserted or the number of separate causes of action on which the claim is based. Official Code of Georgia 15-13-1 (b)

(Note: This is only a portion of the statute. There are other provisions which allow this amount to increase to just over $! million in limited cases, but not in suits where you sue just one doctor.)

So, no matter if you were a quadriplegic, unable to move anything other than your eyeballs as a result of a doctor’s negligence, those wise fools in the legislature decided that you couldn’t possibly be entitled to more than $350,000 for pain and suffering, even if you lived and suffered for 40 more years in that condition.

To add insult to injury, the bastards applied this law only to medical malpractice lawsuits. It a truck driver put you in that condition, there was no limitation.

Well, it took over 3 years but on April 30, 2008, a Superior Court Judge in Fulton County declared the limitation on non-economic damages to be unconstitutional. It was not surprising when the insurance company appealed the ruling to the Supreme Court of Georgia. The case was scheduled for argument before the Supreme Court before the end of the year, but that will never happen. Why?

A couple of days ago, the insurance company chickened out, decided they would probably lose in the Supreme Court and rather than have the statute declared unconstitutional, they settled the case with the injured person. I don’t blame the injured person for taking the settlement (which by the way is super confidential, a secret).

What does all this mean? It means:

(1) The insurance company can still tell everyone that Georgia has caps on non-economic damages in medical malpractice cases.

(2) Lawyers know that the insurance companies are chicken and will be more likely to pursue cases without regard to the caps.

(3) Some lawyer, some where is going to get the same issue in front of another judge in the state and it will get to the Supreme Court for a final decision.

(4) The Chamber of Commerce and the insurance companies are going to focus their attention on judicial appointments and hopefully get the people they want on our Courts before the case gets there again.

(5) YOU AND EACH AND EVERYONE OF YOU NEED TO BE VIGILANT IN WHO YOU VOTE FOR IN JUDICIAL RACES, PARTICULARLY ON THE COURT OF APPEALS AND SUPREME COURT OF GEORGIA.

The Cost to Taxpayers of Fragmented Families in Georgia: $1.4 Billion-Annually

We know that broken families are not a good thing. We know divorce is on the rise. We know that single parent families are increasing. But, we may not realize the cost to the taxpayer of someone else’s divorce or single parent family.

Leah Ward Sears is the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia. In this interview Chief Justice Sears and Dr. Ben Scafidi, Professor of Economics, Georgia College and State University in Milledgeville discuss the findings and significance of a recent study by Dr. Scafidi.

The cost for Georgia taxpayers: $1.4 billion annually. The cost to taxpayers nationwide: $112 billion annually.

You can read the report or a summary at American Values.Org or at the Georgia Family Council.

If you wonder why taxpayers pay such a high cost, the answer is simple, while the solution is difficult. We all know that it costs more to support a family living in two separate places, whether that is due to divorce or they just never got married. Families that might be living just above the poverty level when they live together, get thrown into poverty when they live separately. Once that happens, one parent and the kids now become eligible for all sorts of government benefits at taxpayer expense. Whether it is food stamps, medicaid, or whatever, these services cost money.

Now the point of all this is not to pick on divorced people or single parent families. The point is that we, the citizens and taxpayers, have a stake in trying to keep families together. It is a question of a dime of prevention being worth a pound of cure. Would we be better off if we invested funds in programs that provided marriage education and counseling, programs geared to keeping families together?

The Supreme Court of Georgia is the appellate court with primary jurisdiction over cases involving divorce and many family matters. It has a substantial concern in improving the success of families and reducing their need to resort to the courts. In 2006 the Supreme Court of Georgia established the Georgia Supreme Court Commission on Children, Marriage and Family Law. The press release announcing the formation of the Commission states:

The Commission will be chaired by Chief Justice Leah Ward Sears and will be comprised of two committees: the Advisory Committee on Healthy Marriages, chaired by Chief Justice Sears, and the Committee on Justice for Children, chaired by Justice P. Harris Hines. Both committees will study the legal consequences associated with the growing fragmentation of Georgia families and make recommendations for addressing their root causes.

Chief Justice Sears has been working on this initiative for over a year and believes that this Commission will make a positive difference for Georgia families. According to Justice Sears, “We must make some drastic changes to prevent further family fragmentation in this state. Moreover, it is crucial that the judiciary establish a clear vision of court procedures and research-based best practices to ensure justice for children now and in the future.”

The Commission, which will be appointed by the Chief Justice, will be composed of leading experts and scholars in law, family dynamics and child welfare, as well as other 2 selected leaders from the public and private sectors. Members will also include (though will not necessarily be limited to) representatives from the following disciplines: members of the Georgia General Assembly, judges from the Court of Appeals of Georgia and the superior, juvenile, probate and state courts of Georgia. In addition, the Commission will include members of the Family Law Bar, educators, social workers, representatives of the Division of Family and Children Services, sociologists and psychologists, and a member of the Georgia Commission on Family Violence.

********

The goals of the Advisory Committee on Healthy Marriages are to protect children and improve child welfare by fostering healthy marriages in Georgia as well as to reduce the statewide domestic relations caseload, including cases involving child support enforcement, child custody, paternity establishment and alimony. The Committee on Justice for Children has three primary goals: to establish outcome measures for children within the court system, to improve the quality of legal representation for all parties to juvenile court cases, and to expedite the appeals process for termination of parental rights matters.

 
 Chief Justice Leah Ward Sears and Dr. Ben Scafidi [28:27m]: Play Now | Play in Popup | Download (670)

What Do Larry Craig and Genarlow Wilson Have in Common?

I hardly know where to begin, so I will begin at the end. The end of Genarlow Wilson’s imprisonment came Friday, October 26, 2007, 32 months after it began. It came at the hands of the Supreme Court of Georgia and its decision that his sentence constituted cruel and unusual punishment which is prohibited by the Eighth Amendment to the U. S. Constitution.

As a lawyer, the first thing I noted was the fact that the Supreme Court’s decision was not unanimous. It was one of those 4 to 3 results that always make me wonder why the law is apparently so hard to understand. I don’t generally like to comment on a decision by an appellate court. This is for several reasons. Primarily because, it does no good. A decision by the highest appellate court in the state or the nation is the law for that case, for those parties, like it or not, and there is nothing you can do about it. Your client either won or lost. You may think you did not receive justice, but that does not change the fact that your case is over. It will be up to someone else with another case to come along with the opportunity to change the law.

The puzzling thing is that if you read (in a fair and impartial way, mind you) the majority’s opinion, you can easily agree with its reasoning and rationale. But then, if you read the dissent (again, fairly and impartially), you can easily agree with its rationale. Why is this? First, you need to understand that this same phenomenon occurs quite frequently in court decisions–if you make an effort to look at both sides fairly. Second, court cases always involve real people in real situations, and they are rarely, rarely, black and white, cut and dried–if you are looking at them fairly and impartially. It is the unique obligation of judges and juries to look at both sides, fairly and impartially, BEFORE making a decision. But ultimately, decisions by judges and juries are not the result of giving both sides the benefit of the doubt. At some point, a particular fact, a particular line of reasoning makes sense to the judge or juror. Other facts and other rationalizatons get put into a differenct category from the facts that seem important. The outcome: a decision that in many cases people can argue about.

That is the process. It is unavoidable in my opinion. But it does not mean that justice was not done. It does not mean that one party was screwed and one party won. It simply means that it is very hard to be a judge or a juror and make these decisions. And that is why, when lawyers lose a decision, we don’t or shouldn’t take it personally. It’s just life and life ain’t always fair. But the courts should be, or maybe I should say, the courts and the law should appear to be fair.

Enter Genarlow Wilson and Larry Craig, not necessarily in that order. Wilson’s case got all the attention because most people thought the outcome of his conviction was not fair. I was one of them. As for Craig, anyone that knows anything about the law, scratched their head and said how in the hell can tapping your feet and never uttering a word be a crime. I am no fan of Craig, but if what he did (assuming he did it) is a crime, there are some street corners in Atlanta you better not stop near or you may be soliciting prostitution.

Wilson and Craig, both have a new found appreciation for the power of sex crime laws to reach out and touch you in ways you never imagined (no pun intended). Both have an understanding of how important judges and their discretion are in dispensing justice. Both wanted a second chance. One won. One lost–or at least so far.

At the risk of oversimplifying the Supreme Court’s opinion, I will tell you why I think both the majority and the minority are right.

The majority of the justices that voted to free Generlow Wilson did a brave thing. Whether you agree or disagree with their view of the law, it can be said that they were striving to accomplish justice, and many people will surely think they did. Nevertheless, they may very well be criticized for their decision. They may even find themselves with opposition in the next election and their opponent may try to make them eat their words in setting Genarlow free.

The minority of the justices that voted to keep Genarlow Wilson in jail, also did a brave thing. Their vote was a statement that, in their view, the legislature of Georgia had the power and the right to decide what constituted a crime and how it should be punished and that, while that law may appear unfair in any particular circumstance, the Court, in this case, should not undo what the legislature had done.

My goal here is not to convince you to agree with the majority or the minority. My hope is to say something fundamentally true about our court system and about our legislative process.

We all make decisions, but that, in and of itself, does not make us wise. We make decisions for a variety of reasons and I think most everyone can appreciate the fact that in many instances, it is hard to make a decision because there are competing interests, issues and goals. Which job to take? Which house to buy? How to discipline a child? How to repair a misunderstanding with a friend? We can make a good decision or a bad one even if we thought it was a good decision at the time.

But, when it comes to our courts and our civil and criminal justice systems, the making of decisions has always had a special requirement: Decision should be made fair and impartially, whether made by a judge or jury. And this is especially true when it comes to dispensing punishment, particularly in a day and age where we know dozens of people have been convicted and sentenced to death or jail for crimes they did not commit.

As parents, we have probably recognized situations where we felt punishment in some form or another was the only just result, although in similar situations on different occasions, we may have been more prone to forgiveness or a “second chance.” If we, as parents or as employers or in any role in which we exercise power over the life of another, have competing thought processes, we should not think a judge is any different. The difference is that a judge has taken an oath to be fair and impartial in making his/her decisions. It seems to me that if a judge is expected to be fair, then by definition a judge must be able to access a punishment that fits the crime.

When cases like Genarlow’s come before our judges, our trial judges, the ones that sit alone, by themselves, on the bench and render judgment over others, the same considerations which the majority and minority on the Supreme Court considered must be considered by one judge. The one judge sitting on the Superior Court bench doesn’t get the right to say he/she decided the case 2 to 3.

Where judges make decisions, the lawyers and their clients have no clue which way the judge will rule. They have but one hope: that no matter what the judge decides he will do justice. It is precisely for this reason that victims have finally been guaranteed the right to speak to the judge in the punishment phase of a criminal proceeding. Because the circumstances from case to case may vary significantly, “doing justice” is not necessarily an easy thing. However, I can tell you from personal experience that there is no greater feeling than the feeling that justice has been done.

And now to my point. We can argue about whether the Justices of the Supreme Court of Georgia made the right decision or the wrong decision, but it will do no good. They have decided. The skies willl not fall because Genarlow is now free. But, I suggest, the lesson to be learned from this experience is this: When Legislatures remove the discretion of judges in determining a just punishment, they are undermining our system of justice and its inherent sense of fairness.

If you do not realize it by now, you need to understand that the ultimate responsibility for the Genarlow Wilson controversy (regardless of which side you are on) lies with the Georgia Legislature. Had the legislature, in all of its moral self-righteousness, not passed a law that required a minimum 10-year sentence for oral sex between teenagers, we would never have heard of Genarlow Wilson. What he did may still have been a crime. He may still have been convicted. He might even have still received a 10-year sentence. But, whatever punishment he received, if the judge had had the discretion, the simple ability to consider all the surrounding facts, in determining Wilson’s punishment, Genarlow would probably have never received a 10-year sentence. It was that inability to make the punishment fit the crime that inflamed sensibilities and eventually catapulted Wilson’s case to national attention.

The Georgia Legislature is to blame. It alone is to blame. It is one thing to severely punish child molesters. It is another thing to brand teenagers engaging in oral sex as child molesters and punish them by imprisonment for a minimum of 10-years, no probation, no parole. This is one of those laws that a lawyer would realize in a minute that it is going to cause problems because it treats sodomy with a minor (oral sex under 16 years old) as a felony, while statutory rape is a misdemeanor. Most crimes get the benefit of a judge’s discretion, good or bad. However, the 10-year minimum required sentence effectively removed any ability of the judge in Wilson’s case to impose a lesser sentence.

While the Georgia Legislature may be excused for passing a bad law without realizing it at the time, in this case, they did something totally reprehensible. In 2006 the legislature decided that the law under which Wilson was convicted needed to be changed such that the crime for which he was convicted was now a misdemeanor, rather than a felony. While I am glad they changed the law, they did it in a manner that only highlighted the unfairness of the previous law. The 2006 law specifically provided that it was not the legislature’s intent to change the status of anyone convicted under the prior law. There was a big push be certain legislators to pass a bill that would allow judges to at least go back and reconsider the 10-year minimum sentences and exercise their discretion. The legislature would have none of that. It sure wasn’t going to do anything that could be construed as favoring sex offender, even if that sex offender was a 17 year old teenager.

Essentially, the legislature said to the people that were convicted under the bad law: Too bad we didn’t come to our senses before you were convicted and jailed for 10 years. This is another way of saying: You can spend 10 years in jail to pay for our mistake.

If the Georgia legislature is going to claim the moral high ground, then it ought to have the guts to do what it takes to be moral. Playing with peoples’ lives like the ancient gods and goddesses of Greece is not close to the moral high ground. Recognizing an injustice and doing nothing to correct the injustice on the lives of people affected by it, is not the moral high ground. It is hypocrisy. It is despicable.

When the Georgia Legislature changed the law under which Wilson was convicted to make the crime a misdemeanor, not a felony, and intentionally refused to correct the wrong done individuals convicted under the harsher law, it demostrated a lack of understanding of a basic principal of democratic government: fairness. For that, they should truly be ashamed. If it were my child who received 10 years without regard to the circumstances, if it were my child who was in jail for 10 years and the guy next to him for 1 year for exactly the same crime, if it were my child, I would be mad as hell.

And that is what this Republican controlled legislature does not get. It has no sense of fairness. In 2005 it had no sense of fairness when it changed hundreds of years of Georgia common law and made it impossble to sue emergency room doctors when they are negligent and hurt you. Today, it has no sense of fairness when its leaders constantly acknowledge that ER physicians should not be treated differently from the rest of us, and yet, a majority of them cannot oppose the insurance companies sufficiently to correct their error. They had no sense of fairness when they took away the discretion of judges to give due consideration to the circumstances when a sex offender lives a half mile from a school bus stop and is still, under the law, 10 feet too close, so the entire family has to move. They have no sense of fairness when they fail to give any serious consideration to meritorious bills dealing with credit freeze and title pawn lending.

If you wonder why I am so agitated about this, it is because I do not want Genarlow Wilson’s freedom to become a debate about the courts or “liberal” versus “conservative” judges. I want everyone to recognize that courts make difficult decisions about messes that others create. In this case the mess was created by the Georgia Legislature and it should have been fixed by the Georgia Legislature. It wasn’t and that is no one’s fault but the Georgia Legislature.

The last thing Larry Craig and Genarlow Wilson have in common: ultimately, they got what they deserved. I sincerely hope the Georgia Legislature is equally as fortunate.